Monday, 27 October 2014

Multiple Modernities and Secularisation

The idea that there exists multiple modernities, each comprised of a multitude of spheres of influence (Eisenstadt 2000) is a useful way to conceptualise the differences between cultures across the world. It accounts for the complexities of a society, and gives an insight into how such complexities have developed in the era of colonisation and then globalisation (Eistenstadt 2000: 13-15).

Given such a broad framework, it is then possible to identify and unpack the role that religion may continue to play in a world featuring such cultural fluidity in a web of constructed, overlapping spheres. Religion in this instance can refer to both the public institutions and the private practices of individuals.

Casanaova (2013) identifies three forms of secularisation that may take place within this broader understanding of modernity. While in Western European (along with Australian) society, the differentiation of the secular (scientific and political) and religious spheres has become more firmly established over time, Casanaova (2013) contends that this is not a fait accompli, and indeed many areas throughout the rest of the world have seen these spheres remain entwined, or at least developing alongside one another (169-171). It seems that this point can be lost in the secular West, with a mainstream perspective holding that for society to 'progress', religion should be relegated to the private sphere, if not given up completely. However, this line of thinking ignores the idea of multiple modernities and the variety of contexts societies develop in throughout the world.


References

Casanova, Jose. 2013. Is Secularisation Global? In Opening New Spaces: Worldwide Mission and Secularisation. Accessed 12 September 2014. Available at  http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/publications/is-secularization-global


Eisenstadt, Shmuel N. 2000. 'Multiple Modernities'. Daedalus, 129(1): 1-29.

Sunday, 26 October 2014

Witchcraft, Positivism and Neuroanthropology

I found it very interesting to learn that Witchcraft was primarily studied by historians rather than religious scholars. Consequently, it is a pursuit framed in a postivist approach seeking to find explanations for witchcraft and the persecution of witches through the social sciences and empirics. In many respects, this makes sense, as it is useful to apply a variety of lenses to broader cultural phenomena (Gaskill 2008). Certainly, the suggestion that politics lay at the heart of the witch trials is compelling (Rowlands 2003 in Gaskill 2008: 1082). However, this approach is - for the most part - somewhat limited in terms of the actual lived experience of those accused of witchcraft, and how they experienced the 'unseen world'.

It is here that perhaps the work of religious scholars and of neuro-anthropologists may offer an insight into the lived experience of those affected. Luhrmann (2012) explores cultural conditioning and the effect that it has on what Western psychiatry understands as schizophrenic experiences. She found that in Accra, Ghana, those that heard voices were described as being witches, or possessed by spirits, yet were not necessarily in trouble. Instead, positive inner voices were seen as beneficial and could provide guidance and advice (in Downey 2012).

This provides yet another approach to understanding what was going on when accusations of witchcraft were levelled. The experience of religious mystics should also be considered as part of a broader perspective on the experience of witches rather than a purely rational approach.

References

Gaskill, Malcolm. 2008. 'The Pursuit of Reality: Recent Research in the History of Witchcraft'. The Historical Journal, 51(4): 1069-1088.

Downey, Greg. 2012. 'Tanya Luhrmann, Hearing Voices in Accra and Chennai'.Neuroanthropology Understanding the Cultured Brain and Body, accessed 8 September, 2014. Available at http://blogs.plos.org/neuroanthropology/2012/10/28/tanya-luhrmann-hearing-voices-in-accra-and-chenai/    

Friday, 24 October 2014

Transhumanism

Transhumanism, as described by Leigh in his seminar, taken to its logical conclusion is objectionable and problematic on a number of levels. Not only in terms of whether or not it can be considered a religious movement, but politically and ethically it is silent in regard to equality and sustainability, privileging the knowledge and worldview of a select few that consider themselves at the forefront of human development. In embracing scientific materialism it forgoes any sense of metaphysical transcendence or overarching ethical framework to work within. In this respect, it is not dissimilar to libertarian philosophies and can be recognised as a product of the neo-liberal paradigm it has been developed within. As a side, but not unimportant point, is also amusing to see groups that largely identify as atheist adopt religious language in order to better articulate their position.

By advocating a future where human cognition is augmented by technology, thereby transcending our animal nature through physical enhancements rather than through 'hoping' or 'coping' (Hopkins 2005: 15-17), transhumanism veers toward a type of social darwinism. The unlikelihood of universal access to such procedures would result in a further inequality within communities and across the globe. Further to this, claims that advances in technology will lead to greater health and happiness ignore the growing rates of obesity in the West and the increasing awareness of mental health problems that many people face.

Reference

Hopkins, Patrick. 2005. 'Transcending the animal.' Journal of  Evolution and Technology, 14(2): 13-28

Monday, 1 September 2014

Prescribing religion?

Given the links between improved health and religious belief and practice, the question of whether or not a non religious individual should adhere to a set of religious beliefs purely for the health benefits is raised. A common perspective, adopted by a number of health professionals, would argue in terms of a utilitarian perspective. That is, if the efficacy is there, then a treatment plan that encouraged the uptake of religious practice should be put in place (Astrow et al 2001: 283, Larimore et al 2002: 70). However, this is to misrepresent the data, and avoids two important qualifications. The first is whether or not it is religious or spiritual belief itself driving the health benefits, or rather the associated lifestyle practices of the religious individual that has the positive effect (Astrow et al 2001: 284). Whether these practices are abstaining from alcohol or other intoxicants, regular exercise or regular social contact, it could be that patients should be encouraged to adopt aspects of these behaviours, rather than a faith per se. 

The second aspect that must be considered is this utilitarian approach itself. Taking something such as religion, that for many people is an end in itself, and adopting it as a means to an end without any of the associated meaning making that provides for that fuller, lived experience is worthy of pause for thought, not only on ethical grounds, but it may be that without the deeper, inner connection, then the efficacy is lessened anyway. Cohen et al (2000) argue that without the sincerity, religion can not be practised for it's associated health benefits alone (42). Indeed, there is more to the deeper connection to God than simply having one's needs met, and to think otherwise is a flawed understanding of theistic faith (Cohen et al 2000: 43).


References

Astrow A.B., C.M. Puchalski, & D. P. Sulmasy. 2001. 'Religion, spirituality, and health care: Social, ethical, and practical considerations'. The American 
Journal of Medicine 110: 283-287.

Cohen C.B., S.E. Wheeler, D.A. Scott, & the  Anglican Working Group in Bioethics. 2000. 'Prayer as therapy: A challenge to both religious belief and professional ethics'. The Hastings Centre Report 30(3): 40-47.


Larimore W.L., M. Parker, & M. Crowther. 2002. 'Should clinicians incorporate positive spirituality into their practices?  What does the evidence say? Annals of Behavioural Medicine 24 (1): 69-73

Monday, 18 August 2014

Translating a Chinese text into English, via Sanskrit or Gandhari

In Taking Account of the Indic Source Text (2010), Rod Bucknell demonstrates at length the nuanced reading that is required when translating a Chinese text into English when the Chinese itself has been translated from Indic languages such as Sanskrit or Gandhari. This is illustrated as he describes the process by which he transcribed the Chinese Buddhist texts Taisho Volumes One and Two (Bucknell 2010: 45).

A parallel text - early writings which informed the initial Indic text - are of immense value in attempting to reconstruct the meaning and intention of the source material. With this backgrounding, the Chinese can be translated to Pali - a language closer to the Indic languages - which can then be translated into English. Bucknell likens this to a mental reconstruction, in skeleton form, of the Indic languages, that can then be fleshed out as it were, allowing for a more accurate English translation (Bucknell 2010: 46). Given the inconsistencies of the Chinese texts, this step preceding an English translation is necessary.

While this approach is generally favourable to accurate translations, there are occasions where distinctions must be made not only between mistranslations into Chinese and genuine doctrinal disagreements, but also where double meaning may exist which to stress or value over the other (Bucknell 2010: 49-50). Further challenges arise as a result of some Chinese characters bearing close resemblance to one another, and thus the underlying reasoning for both must be sought. Ideally, one set of characters would fit closely with the meaning in Pali or Sanskrit, and the other would not, meaning that it is an error in the copying, rather than two equally plausible translations with significantly differing interpretations (Bucknell 2010: 51).


References

Bucknell, Rod. 2010. Taking  account of the Indic Source-text. In Translating Buddhist Chinese:
Problems and Prospects. (K. Meisig, ed.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 45-52.




Monday, 11 August 2014

Future of Christianity?

The future of Christianity is a fascinating and complex subject, able to be explored from a number of angles. I believe there is an opportunity for the Church to re-engage with the secular West by articulating a position founded upon social justice and the many ways theology can interact with the arts, the environment and the social sciences. This approach to theology is described by Placher and Nelson (2013) as "one of a matrix with many nodes, rather than a wheel with a single center" (266). Similarly, 'process theology' as developed by Alfred Whitehead, is a metaphysical approach to theology that sees the world as a series of interconnected processes driven by the love of a poetic God.

The foundation for a theology with a focus on social justice can be found in Liberation Theology, a Catholic movement that arose in South America in the 1960's. The recent appointment of Pope Francis - the first South American Pope - is perhaps a sign that the Catholic church realises that it's future lies in developing countries, and a message centred on God's love for the poor. An integral parable in Liberation Theology is that of the shepherd and his lost sheep. In essence, God cares more for the sheep, lost on its own and separated from the flock, than the majority of sheep that are together and safe. This is used to demonstrate to those in rural, agricultural economies that God has a plan for the poor, and that while they may not be wealthy, and life can be difficult, He has not forgotten them (Hoy 1986: 3, Placher and Nelson 2013: 267-8). It is quite a political theological stance in many respects, and is concerned equally with religious behaviour through practical work with those in need as it is with scripture (Gutierrez in Siker 1996: 46-7).

Thus, there are avenues here that can be pursued and promoted by Western Christianity to re-engage with the secular West. As it stands, the church appears to hold a reputation amongst those that would not consider themselves religious as either a stuffy institution plagued by scandal, or 'mega-church' with a focus on the youth, wealth accumulation and 'daggy' rock music.


References Cited

Placher, William C., and Derek R. Nelson. 2013. A History of Christian Theology : An Introduction. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2013.

Siker, Jeffrey S. 1996. 'Uses of the Bible in the Theology of Gustavo Gutierrez: Liberating Scriptures of the Poor.' Biblical Interpretation, 4(1): 40-71.

Monday, 4 August 2014

Secularization

While the increased secularization of the West has been a process that developed historically following the Enlightenment, it seems as though this process has sped up rapidly over the last decade. In his essay, Rethinking Secularization: A Global Comparative Perspective (2006), Casanova seeks to clarify what is meant by the term secularization, and demonstrates how difficult it is to draw broad conclusions to explain the secularization in both the United States and Europe, not least of all because, as he identifies, there are three ways in which the term secularization can been understood. These three approaches are as follows: secularization as the decline of religious beliefs and practices, as the privatization of religion and as the differentiation of the secular spheres (Casanova 2006: 7). He argues that none of these three approaches can adequately explain the different experiences and contexts of secularization around the world and across different faiths. Casanova also questions the extent to which any form of secularization can or should fully do away with religious influence in the public sphere (Casanova 2006: 20).

Reflecting on the discussion in class, and the accounts of people's reluctance to identify as spiritual or religious, I wonder if the confluence of celebrity atheists and ubiquitous social media has played a role in leading people under the age of thirty to be disdainful of religious movements. It seems to me that people use facebook and twitter to construct a public identity, defining themselves for others by what they 'like,' and equally, what they dislike. When Ricky Gervais and Richard Dawkins post snarky (at best) tweets about religion, their legions of fans and followers will spread it around, defining themselves in the process. Amidst this atmosphere of scorn, it is not hard to see why some may be reticent to speak about their thoughts on religion and spirituality. This goes well beyond the secularization of the public sphere that Casanova wrote of, to an adversarial position whereby opposition to religious influence includes not just religious institutions but also religious individuals.

References Cited

Casanova, J. 2006. Rethinking secularization. Institute for Advanced Studies in Culture.
http://iasc-culture.org/THR/archives/AfterSecularization/8.12CCasanova.pdf